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NEWSLETTER APRIL 2008

AYLSHAM LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY – A TALK ON THE JEWS OF MEDIEVAL NORWICH

On Thursday, March 27th Barbara Miller gave a fascinating talk to the Aylsham Local History Society on the Jews of Medieval Norwich. She has very kindly agreed to the text of her talk being posted on the PJC website for others to enjoy.

Barbara has been a Norwich Blue Badge Guide of long standing.

Barbara Miller writes: I was initially inspired to look further into the story of the Jews of Medieval Norwich on hearing a lecture by Professor Lipman to the Archaeological Society in September 1968 following the publication of his book by The Jewish Historial Society in 1967. I have an insatiable interest in the history of Norwich as shown through the life of its people and enjoy speaking to a great variety of groups all over Norfolk on a great variety of subjects connected with the history of the city. My interest was further stimulated on remembering the events of my school days which I spoke of this evening.

THE JEWS OF MEDIEVAL NORWICH

So much is chance. Always in any historical study you are conscious of the element of luck. Often this can contribute enormously to our understanding of the past. A chance find, a careful householder, or indeed a careless one who could not be bothered to clear out their loft or their workplace or desk. Surely in Norfolk we can verify such circumstances in the discovery of the Paston letters, a variety of diaries, estate papers and, for tonight, evidence of the life of the Jews of Medieval Norwich. How do we come to know about what happened here in Norwich so long ago? It all comes down to money, how it was acquired, who borrowed it, who had a call on it and who needed more.

There is no evidence of any Jewish communities in England before the Norman conquest, but it is known that William used their services in Normandy and that he being interested in establishing stability in the newly conquered country encouraged Jews to come to England to perpetuate methods with which he was both familiar and approving.

One-third of all the surviving Hebrew deeds and nearly half the Latin deeds of medieval Anglo-Jewry originate in Norwich. Why? That is what we are here tonight to discover.

First let us look at the perception of the medieval world to money – it was seen as a necessary evil. Society at the time, being vertical, was not entirely dependant on money but used payment in kind and payment by obligation in its transactions. The duty of the aristocracy to the king and so on down through the social classes. Being a largely rural society goods and produce were prominent in the business of running the economy. In the Miracle plays Avarice, one of the seven Deadly Sins, is frequently cast as a money lender. So there is a feeling of shying away from dealings involving money and this is therefore something that one is happy to devolve to a community who are on the margins.

Jewish communities were almost exclusively urban and in the most populous areas of the country, following the conquest and the subsequent Harrying of the North, the South and the East. They are found in county towns with a Sheriff or King’s representative, and few are in ports, eg not in Ipswich, although it was a prosperous town but had no sheriff and no castle. London and Lincoln, both ports, had castles and royal officers. We find Jewish communities in Lincoln but not in Boston, in Winchester but not in Southampton and in Norwich, but not in Gt Yarmouth. A small community did establish itself in King’s Lynn but it was shortlived.

Aaron of Lincoln, who was to have tremendous influence on the dealings between Christians and Jews was a man of immense wealth. On his death he had agents in 19 towns, financial interest in 25 and included amongst his debtors the Archbishop of Canterbury and the King of Scotland. On his death in 1186 he had £15,000 of debts owing to him, equivalent to three-quarters of Henry II’s annual revenue.

Not surprisingly, given the importance of Norwich post Conquest, a community established itself here soon after 1066.

Norwich was a provincial capital, an ecclesiastical centre, had a market for local trade and was a strategically placed port for international trade. Timber from Sweden, pitch, tar and metals from France, Spain and Sweden, olive oil from Spain, dyestuffs from France and Asia Minor, ash and alum (the main component for soap) from Europe and Asia Minor. Fine leather from Cordova, luxury wine from Gascony, furs from Scandinavia, woollens from Flanders and silk, beeswax, table salt and even sugar – all found their way to Norwich through King’s Lynn and Gt Yarmouth. All this needed money to facilitate the business, so Norwich needed Jews.

Remember, Christian people were not allowed to lend money and Jewish people were not allowed to do much else. (Later banking from 18th century Jewish, Quakers eg Gurneys of Norwich.)

In the 13th century the principle industry in the city was leather – leather for harness, for gloves, for household items and for protective clothing and parchment and vellum for recording transactions and producing books.
Internally many churches were being built or extended and therefore money was needed to attract the best tradesmen.

By the 14th century the wool trade had taken over as the principle activity, largely the export of raw wool rather than finished goods. The separate areas within the city were gradually coming together: Wymer, Conisford, Ultra Aquam and the newly established Mancroft; the city was growing richer and the new-found wealth demanded luxury goods. So, goldsmiths appear, glass begins to be put into some houses and household furniture is less sparse.

Causes for growth in wealth:

The charter of 1194 gave the city the right to elect 4 bailiffs and these people figure as witnesses to documents – responsible to the Sheriff. The names of the bailiffs give a means of dating documents. The early stability following the Norman conquest was not to last and for much of the period when the community was active in Norwich the country was in the grip of civil war – a nervous period when tempers could be quickly aroused; a violent period when justice was summary and arbitrary. It was not until the reign of Henry II that a system of justice that we would recognise as such was established in England. He it was who created the office of Justice of the Peace, it being a more independent method than a person being tried by his immediate superior such as the Lord of the Manor – a biased approach.

WHERE DID THE NORWICH COMMUNITY LIVE?

To the south and southeast of the market, between the castle and the market. Near wheat, sheep and horse markets. There was no compulsion to be confined but a natural inclination to stick together. Stone house quite outside general area. Saddlegate referred to in deposition of theft – woman stole cord and bucket ‘in Judeismo’. In this area they were close to the castle and its custodian, their refuge.

In London near Tower in Cheap, Lincoln near Guildhall in Lower town and Castle in upper town, in Canterbury in high Street near bread and fish market and castle, in other towns near market and castle, centres of commerce and protection.

A few lived in rural areas. Josce of Yarmouth, had a house in Norwich. Meir of Bungay near castle – Bigods (2 fines of 1000 marks) Diaia of Rising, near castle with its royal connections. Lynn and Yarmouth thriving ports – Bungay had 3 churches, a market, two fairs a mint and a castle. When the castle was destroyed the community disbanded. Names attached to various Jews show movement between city and smaller places. Some referred to as ‘of Norwich’ some locations within the city, ‘of Saddlegate, ‘of Conesford’.

Jewish people had to wear distinctive clothing – hats and yellow star – illustrated in the margins of documents.

HOUSES

Many seem to have incorporated workshops of generally very narrow frontage but depth – 20 ft wide and up to 100 ft depth. Several had a garden for vegetables. Open space became available in the city as the four areas gradually grew together.

12th and 13th century houses had little privacy being mostly open halls and only the richest would have a solar. The King Street house has a groined cellar, which may originally have been at ground level, an outside staircase – castle – and a great hall. Mason’s marks, no evidence of lending to cathedral but reasonable assumption – brother lent to Bury and Isaac to Westminster Abbey.

Burglary accounts show house round courtyard ‘battered down the oak, iron barred door entered the courtyard then hall and finally chamber of the hall’.

So we find the Norwich community centred round Saddlegate and the Haymarket – near the Castle for refuge. One family of physicians had a house with a herb garden in Saddlegate. Also in the Primark area was a synagogue – Lamb Inn alignment.

Abraham’s Hall – Macdonalds – 4 Hebrew deeds and 4 Latin deed make it possible to locate and reconstruct houses in that area. Later the pub on the site – Bringing of Isaac by Abraham. References to houses in St. Stephen’s parish, 2 in Ber Street and the house in King Street.

NUMBER AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE

In the 13th century the city’s population is estimated at 5 – 10,000; in the Poll tax returns for 1377 3952 tax payers – 4th in the country.

The Jewish community at most numbered 200 at lowest 50/60.

Nationally the Jews paid 4% of total national tax in 1194; 5% in 1221 and 3% in 1255. Peak and decline only in hindsight.

At the expulsion in Norwich one family held 2/3 of all property belonging to Jews. All through the period of occupation there were large, middle and poor money lenders.

One list shows only 65 adults, 44 men and 21 women. As always very few rich, say one family – 3 to 4 generations, 30 upper middle class and 60 ordinary, 50 poor. Only one or two children.

EXTERNAL RELATIONS

Summed up easily – never good and got worse. Attacks and accusations grew in severity and there were two watersheds in Norwich 1144 ritual murder, riots and massacres.

Norwich was the location for the first so called ritual murder – St William of Norwich. The account was written well after the event by Thomas of Monmouth, a Benedictine monk, and with implicit belief that it was a ritual murder.

ST WILLIAM OF NORWICH

It is a coincidence that I am here tonight talking about the Jews of medieval Norwich and the supposed murder of William of Norwich for it took place at Easter 1144.

On Good Friday, a day when most Jews stayed indoors, a man named Aelward was on his way to St Leonard’s priory, skirting Thorpe Wood he met a group of Jews on horseback one of them holding a bundle across his saddle. He stopped and spoke and touching the bundle realised it was a body. The group galloped away.

Next day a forrester was told by one of his wood cutters that the body of a child had been found. The forrester knew the boy and seeing the wounds leapt to the conclusion that it was a ritual killing. He went home and told his family and soon the city was in an uproar. On Easter Day crowds went to Mousehold to see the body and speculate as to what had happened. Next day the forrester, Henry de Sprowston buried the body where he had found it. But the dead boy had been identified as William, an apprentice skinner who had had dealings with the Jewish community and this was confirmed by his uncle Godwin, a priest. Fearful the Jews went to the Sheriff at the Castle and paid him 100 marks to defend them should this prove necessary, and asked him to force Aelward, the originator of the story, to keep quiet.

A Synod of the church was taking place in the city at the time and Godwin stood up in the meeting and declared the murder of his nephew and blamed the Jews. He demanded that they submit themselves to trial by ordeal and the Jews were summoned to appear before the Synod, but the Sheriff forbad it saying that they did not come under the jurisdiction of the church only of the King. Bishop Eborard repeated his order, threatening extermination of the community if they did not obey. Elders of the Jews appeared before the Synod but the result was inconclusive and the community removed to the Castle. A maidservant testified that she had seen William going into a Jewish house and looking through a crack in the door had seen him being tortured, the image seen on the screens at Loddon and Eye.

The Jews were never convicted of the murder but the body was exhumed and carried in a procession by the monks to the cathedral accompanied by a large crowd and buried in the monks’ cemetery. This had been prompted by the request of the Abbot of St Pancras who had asked for the body if Norwich did not want it, which alerted the Cathedral authorities to its possible value.

There the matter rested until another enquiry into Jewish activity was held. A money lender had been murdered by the servants of a Norwich knight and the old unpunished "guilt" of the Jews was remembered. Thomas of Monmouth had come the city in 1160 and had a dream exhorting him to have the body taken into the Cathedral.

The body was exhumed and it was recalled that when it had been exhumed for the first time it had exuded ‘the odour of sanctity’. This time it was placed in the Chapter House and reports of cures and miracles began to be circulated. The body was to be moved to various places in the cathedral as the cult grew and then declined. Offerings at the shrine were never large, but people did scrape dust from the covering and drank it mixed with water. There was value in being a pilgrimage centre – records of despoliation of sites at the Dissolution, eg Canterbury/ Becket’s tomb give an indication of the wealth that could accrue to a town. Norwich was always losing out to Walsingham, Bury and Ely.

At the Dissolution the tomb disappeared and the memory faded. It is not clear if this is when the archae from Norwich was removed to Westminster Abbey or whether it went to the Cathedral and was then removed to London at the Dissolution. Whatever happened it was to languish in the muniments room at the Abbey for centuries before being rediscovered in the 19th century when its immense historical significance was gradually recognised.

The canonisation of a saint was in the 12th century a fairly local affair and was not taken as a prime office of the church until much later, hence the rise of very local saints created by a bishop in response to a local happening.

The most serious element of the story is that it led to accusations against Jews all over England and was the impetus for the terrible massacres of the 1190’s. Fear and hatred of Jews was to survive in the national memory – Shylock and the Jew of Malta as well as in the Canterbury Tales. To people of the 12th century Jews were the murderers of Christ the first persecutors of the Christians, they spoke a different language, they dressed differently, they were not subject to the laws of the land, but only to the King, they were rich and they were envied; a heady cocktail.

Even Thomas of Monmouth did not assume his version would be accepted by everyone but is at pains to state how carefully he had looked at all the evidence.

THOMAS' SEVEN ARGUMENTS

I suggest that the great economic advantage in being a pilgrimage centre did much to influence attitudes and it is easy to be sanctimonious from so great a distance of time, but we need to be very careful.

The first and second crusades had not proved very popular in England but a gradual rising tide of ill feeling brought accusations against Jews in Gloucester, Bury and Bristol so when Richard I was made king in 1189 and wanted to join the third crusade the need to cleanse the homeland of infidels before setting off for the Holy Land meant attacks on Jews culminating in the terrible massacre in York in 1190. How could the King and his soldiers take the long journey to the Holy Land to free the shrines of Christendom when here in their own country lived the descendants of those who had put Christ to death. Ethnic cleansing. Houses of Jews in London were burned and 30 were killed. A massacre in Lynn ended the community there. Some attacks took place in Norwich and the community again sought sanctuary in the Castle. Those who remained in their houses were butchered. The Bungay community fled to Norwich never to return to Bungay.

YORK

It was a financial conspiracy - Richard Malbis incited friends to arson in York – very much in debt to Aaron of Lincoln – the community fled to Castle – besieged - Sheriff lost control - Jews committed mass suicide – those who lived were butchered when they emerged – Malbis and other potential crusaders went to Minster, burned debt documents and went off to the crusade. 150 Jews were killed and their books sold to the Jews in Cologne.

Further attacks took place after the Lateran Council in 1215 when various decrees against Jews were put forward:

Several diocese including Norwich tried to implement these measures by boycott: no townspeople to sell food or have dealings with Jews.

However, town authorities in England were ordered by the Crown not to obey; but in Lincoln, Oxford and Norwich measures were implemented and relations with Jews worsened.

In 1235 houses were burned in the city and the hue and cry raised. The Sheriff defended the Jews and the case was heard before Henry III on his visit to the city in March that year. Bail was granted to 31 men and women. The King ordered they should not be found guilty.

Microcosm of constant threat of violence and danger – Sheriff as champion and castle as refuge but any blame that could be laid on the Jews was done. Was society becoming better ordered and were the Jews no longer needed? Jews had been a part of society for a long time and while not loved had been tolerated. Banking was rising in Italy and the Lombards were spreading through Europe.

RECORDS AND ARCHAE

How do we know so much about the Norwich community.

Could fiscal legislation be instituted rather than relying on borrowing and the need to pay back? Measures:

All these forms of taxation are found in the Norwich documents.

The Exchequer of the Jews was set up nationally, initially to deal with the estate of Aaron of Lincoln on his death. The 1190 riots had seen records burned, therefore there was a need for copy records – archae.

Each archae was to have two Christian and two Jewish keepers. Loans were to be drawn up in their presence and a copy put in the archae and presented to the debtor on acquittance; alterations were to be recorded and the removal of any document was to be scrutinised.

In this way the Crown could assess Jewish wealth and take over debts if Jews defaulted on taxes etc. All was to be administered by the Exchequer of the Jews. This body was of great importance and had a variety of functions:

The extraordinary circumstance for Norwich is the survival of the Day Book for 1225-7 which records all the various transactions undertaken in that period and from it one can extrapolate the life of a Jewish community in early medieval England.

Most of the documents are in Latin, 1 is in Norman French, in all 94, 39 deal with debt, 17 are acquittances, 16 transfer from one Jew to another (underwriting), 6 are loans within Jewry. Over 360 deals are in the book of which Isaac is responsible for 87.

Most of the loans are to craftsmen as distinct from merchants, few to clergy, largest to rural gentry (cash flow). Loans vary between £1 and £8 payable within ¾ months, thereafter 2d in £1 per week = 44%. Squaring of conscience. The clientele explains the survival of small Jewish communities in rural areas – building society not merchant bank.

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY

Money lending is the prime activity and this in turn gave rise to other activities.

JURNET

The documents surviving from Norwich enable a picture of Jurnet and his family to emerge supported by evidence of his national stature.

Jurnet was active in the 1160’s and nationally from 1170 – 1200. In the reign of Henry II turned to Jew to assist financially in his civic reorganisations and in 1169 £33.68 was extracted from the Norwich Jews, common amount 7/6. Many of his business transactions are in 1000’s other in 100’s.

In 1177 Jurnet entered into a consortium with his brother and Moses Le Brun of London and another, but it failed and Jurnet’s fine was £1,366, to purchase the King’s pardon and return to England. He had paid by 1181 but was in trouble again in 1183 and fined £4,000. Jurnet was always resident in Norwich.

There is no evidence of his lending to the Cathedral, but his brother lent large sums to the Abbot of Bury, and the marks on the porch entry to the house in King Street may signal the same workmen. Jurnet did not build the King Street house, but occupied it for four generations.

Isaac, Jurnet’s eldest son, became the richest Jew in England, paid the King 1,000 marks for the right to recover his father’s debts on his death and took over the business. He had a house in London in Old Jewry, six properties in Lynn and Norwich, but in 1210 is in prison pending general investigation into the activities of Jews. 1213 he was sent from Bristol to the Tower and fined 10,000 marks at 1 a day – 30 years to pay off. On the death of King John in 1217 Jews were re-established in order to consolidate the economic position of the country and in 1219 Isaac sued the Abbot of Westminster and appealed to the Papal Legate for justice – high standing. A caricature of him exists in the margin of a document – three heads; died in 1235.

His son Samuel became the leader of the local group and was active between 1219 – 1273, both dates being quoted concerning property in the Maddermarket and on the south side of Saddlegate and buys another in that street with Abraham Deulecresse (Mancroft) His father had been granted permission to enlarge his quay heading.

RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL LIFE

Senior members of the community were talmudic scholars and instructed the young, most in the first half of 13th century; richest period; spare money.

Religious tribunals for matters internal like marriage settlements (Sharia law).

The community supported a poet Meir ben Elijah; manuscripts survive in Vatican collection.

One man had addition to name which means seer – probably an astronomer. Two physicians, one with herb garden, earliest reference in medieval England. Evidence of general standard of literacy in remark about documents from Norwich. Facility in French. End of 12th century Morell died leaving books and his 2 daughters paid 100/- to have share of them. In a wedding contract the father in law promises to engage a teacher for a year for the bridegroom.

THE DECLINE

On his return from the Crusade Edward I attempted to turn Jews from money lending to other occupations. They could not enter guilds (which were religiously based) and therefore could not become master merchants or Freemen. For 15 years they were allowed to lease agricultural land for 10-year periods. In Norwich there is evidence of Jews dealing in wool but this is thought ot be a veneer for money lending – payment in kind.

Accusations of coin clipping began in 1278 and 16 were convicted and some hanged in London. All heads of households were arrested and 300 hanged at the Tower. Tradition has it that this was when the area in the Haymarket was burned and excavations under Primark showed 4 inches of charcoal.

In 1290 Edward I, crusader, builder and imperialist decided on expulsion, the reason given being that Jews had continued to lend money. The real reason was the financial allure of confiscated property and money. It is estimated that Edward got over £16,000 when the national exchequer was £32,000. The same thing was witnessed in the Dissolution centuries later.

Fifteen families are recorded in Norwich: 1 rich, 6 well to do and the rest ‘poor’ – 50/60 people in all. Three women stayed and converted but all had gone by 1308.

Obscurity comes over the story. It is thought that they went to France but were expelled from there in 1291. There was a massacre of the London community on sandbanks at the mouth of the Thames.

What do we have? A house in King Street; some tiles and pottery from the Primark site; the Bodleian Bowl found in Norfolk at end of 17th century and thought to come from Norwich; the great chest of documents taken to Westminster Abbey for safe keeping and forgotten; references to the Jewish community in the records of the Gt Hospital and the pub name on the Haymarket; until recently the health stores in White Lion Street – that is the local legacy. We have a lost site of a cemetery off Ber Street, a closed cemetery by the inner link road and a section in the main cemetery as well as the rebuilt synagogue on Earlham Road, but much more serious is the international legacy – ritual murder, blood libel, suspicion and alienation and mass expulsion.

One might indeed say ‘the love of money is the root of all evil’.

BARBARA MILLER
REVISED MARCH 2008 FOR TALK TO AYLSHAM HISTORY SOCIETY

SOURCES

The Legend of St. William Boy-Martyr of Norwich by M Carey Evans.

Wensum Lodge, the story of a House by John Dent and Jim Livock.

The Jews of Medieval Norwich by V.D. Lipman.

A Saint at Stake, the strange death of St. William of Norwich by M.D. Anderson.

The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich by Thomas of Monmouth edited from the manuscript held in Cambridge University Library by August Jessopp D.D. and M Rhodes James LittD.

Various articles in the journal of the Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society and other articles in local journals.